A round trip through a collectible card costs 20 to 30 per cent. Valuation theory says that cost is not paid at the exit. It is already deducted from what the card is worth today.
Thesis
The discount on collectible assets is a transaction-cost discount, not a scarcity discount. What better market structure creates is therefore the removal of that discount and the extension of access, which is a different and much more defensible claim than superior returns.
Abstract
The market for collectible cards grew to 26.8 million graded cards in 2025, a 32% rise in a single year[1], and card singles on eBay alone turned over $2.62bn[2]. Published estimates of the market's total size disagree by nearly a factor of two, which is itself the most informative thing about it. We argue that the binding constraint on this asset class is not scarcity, quality or demand, but the cost of changing hands: a round trip at auction costs 20–30% of the asset's value[3] against a fraction of a per cent for a listed equity, and standard valuation practice treats frictions of that size as a 20–40% discount to value[4]. The opportunity is therefore best understood as the removal of a discount and the extension of access, not as a claim of superior returns. It is a distinction the strongest published counter-argument makes unavoidable, since collectibles appear to carry an emotional yield of about 2.64% a year that suppresses their financial return[5].
A market that grew while nobody was measuring it
In 2025 the major authenticators graded 26.8 million cards, up 32% on the 20 million graded in 2024 and 17 million in 2023[1]. Grading is not the market itself, but it is the closest thing the category has to a public register: a graded card is a card someone thought worth paying to certify, and the count is published.
Cards graded by the major authenticators
Figure 1
Source: [1]. PSA, CGC, SGC, Beckett and TAG combined.
The transaction side is larger and less visible. Card singles on eBay alone topped $2.62bn in 2025, with growth accelerating for nine consecutive quarters and driven by the number of items sold rather than by rising prices[2]. That distinction matters more than the headline: a market whose dollar volume rises because prices rise is a market getting more expensive, while one whose volume rises because more things change hands is a market getting deeper. Only the second is evidence of liquidity.
Who did the grading in 2025
Figure 2
- 72% PSA · 19.3m
- 18% CGC · 4.9m
- 10% Others · 2.6m
Source: [1].
Participation is broad. An estimated 94 million Americans have bought a collectible card at least once, and more than 28 million trade or grade in a given year[6]. A Circana survey in March 2025 found 19% of US adults had bought Pokémon cards for themselves in the preceding six months, and that only about a quarter of those buyers play the game[7]. The rest collect, display or resell, which is to say they are holding an asset.
Nobody agrees how big it is
Ask how large this market is and the published answers disagree by nearly a factor of two. Trading card games alone were valued at $7.8bn for 2025 by one research house[8] and $13.28bn by another. Sports cards were put at $13.5bn and $13.75bn by two more[9]. A fifth estimate puts all trading cards at $14.6bn, less than the two halves measured separately[10].
Published estimates of the same market
Figure 3
Foil Research calculation from [8], [9], [10]. Ranges span the highest and lowest published estimate for each scope. Vendor estimates, shown to display their disagreement rather than to endorse any one of them.
It would be easy to treat this as a reason to pick the largest number and move on. It is more useful to treat the dispersion as the finding. Estimates diverge like this when there is no central exchange to report through, no obligation on anyone to disclose a transaction, and a large share of trade happening privately between people who have no reason to tell a research firm about it. The disagreement is a direct measurement of how opaque the market is.
It is not one market
The 2025 grading data contains something a single market-size figure cannot show. Trading card games and non-sport cards were up 95% on the year. Sports cards, over the same period, were down 12%: basketball down 23%, baseball down 14%, football up 11%[1]. Pokémon alone drove more grading volume than baseball, football and basketball combined.
Two markets, moving in opposite directions
Figure 4
Source: [1]. Change in cards graded, 2025 against 2024.
A narrative that treats "the card market" as one thing is therefore wrong about at least one half of it in any given year. Anyone building exposure to this category has to decide which market they mean, and an index that silently blends the two will report the average of a boom and a contraction.
The constraint is the cost of changing hands
A buyer at a major auction pays a premium of 20–28% above the hammer price, and a seller pays a commission that is negotiable but published at up to 25%[3]. On a $10,000 hammer, a buyer can pay $12,000 while the seller nets $9,000. The house captures the difference and the asset has changed hands once.
What one change of hands costs
Figure 5
Foil Research calculation from [3], [4]. Cards are a buyer's premium plus a seller's commission on a single sale. Equity is spread plus commission on a liquid large-cap.
This is not a detail of execution. Amihud and Mendelson established that an asset's price embeds the present value of the transaction costs its holders expect to pay in future[4]. An asset that is expensive to sell is worth less precisely because it is expensive to sell, and the discount is capitalised into the price today. Standard valuation practice puts the discount for lack of marketability at 20–30% for private companies, and 20–40% is routinely applied. The early restricted-stock studies that anchor the range found average discounts of about 35%.
If frictions of that magnitude are capitalised in cards as they are elsewhere, then a material part of what a card is worth today is a deduction for the difficulty of selling it.
Institutions solved this everywhere else
Illiquidity is not a reason institutions avoid an asset class. It is frequently the reason they hold it. Endowments over $5bn allocate an average of 62.5% to illiquid strategies, with Yale and Harvard reported above 70%, and US public pensions raised alternatives from roughly 18% in 2010 to 30% by 2020[11].
Who already owns illiquid assets
Figure 6
Source: [11].
Retail investors hold approximately none of it, and the machinery that would let them is arriving now for everything except this category. A 2025 survey found 56% of limited partners expect retail and wealth channels to supply at least half of new private-market inflows within two years[12], and Bain projects private-wealth alternatives tripling from $4tn to $12tn by 2034. Art has had a securitised, SEC-qualified retail route since Regulation A+ Tier 2 made it possible to raise up to $75m from non-accredited investors; one platform reached roughly 880,000 registered users and about $940m in assets by early 2025[13].
Collectible cards are, on this measure, the least institutionalised illiquid asset of any consequence, a category with millions of participants, billions in annual observable turnover, standardised condition grading, and essentially no financial infrastructure.
What would actually be created
It is worth being precise here, because the imprecise version of this argument is a performance claim and the evidence does not support one.
- —A discount removed, once. If part of a card's price is a deduction for the cost of selling it, then infrastructure that lowers that cost should raise the price. This is a one-time repricing, not a recurring return, and its size is bounded by the friction actually removed.
- —Access, ongoing. The population able to hold the asset expands from those who can buy a whole card, store it, insure it and find a buyer, to anyone who can buy a share of one. That is a demand effect and a distributional one.
- —Price discovery. A market with continuous observable pricing supports different decisions from one where the last comparable sale was fourteen months ago. This is the least glamorous of the three and probably the most consequential.
The constraint was never scarcity. Scarcity was always there. The constraint was the cost of finding the other side.
The forward case
Demand for this category is cohort-driven, and the cohort is arriving at the age where it has money. An estimated $84tn will transfer between generations through 2045, with more recent projections reaching $124tn by 2048[14]. Millennial net worth rose from $3.9tn in late 2019 to almost $16tn five years later. Roughly 65% of card collectors are between 18 and 35.
The people who opened these packs as children are now in their thirties and forties, and the grail card they could not afford at eleven is now merely expensive. That is the demand engine, and it is measurable, demographic, and slow.
What could go wrong
Three things, and the first is the strongest published argument against everything above.
Collectibles may be priced to return less
Dimson, Pukthuanthong and Vorsatz examined 110 years of returns across 13 categories of collectible and 30 distinct return series. They find a positive emotional yield in 24 of the 30 series, averaging 2.64% a year, and conclude that assets delivering emotional returns carry correspondingly lower equilibrium financial returns[5].
The implication is uncomfortable and deserves stating plainly. If the marginal buyer of a card is someone who enjoys owning it, the price already reflects a willingness to pay that a purely financial holder does not share. Buying financial exposure to such an asset means accepting a return reduced by somebody else's pleasure. This does not invalidate the liquidity argument, since removing a discount and earning a premium are different claims, but it does mean that anyone expecting collectibles to outperform equities on a risk-adjusted basis is arguing against the best available evidence.
Cohorts age out
Antique furniture, silver and porcelain were once blue-chip collectibles held by serious people for serious money. They are now difficult to give away, and the generation currently inheriting them is discovering this: the wealth transfer is accompanied by a transfer of objects that no longer command what they did[15]. Nostalgia demand is specific to the people who were children when the object was made, and those people do not live forever.
Cards may differ in three ways that matter: they are standardised and independently graded, so condition is describable rather than arguable; they are small, portable and cheap to store, which furniture is not; and the franchises behind them, Pokémon most obviously, are still producing new participants rather than only ageing existing ones. Those are reasons to think the risk is smaller here, not reasons to think it is absent.
Supply can arrive faster than demand
The category has had exactly one catastrophe, and it was a supply shock. Between roughly 1987 and 1994 manufacturers tripled output. Topps alone is estimated to have printed over a billion cards in 1986, and the vast majority of what was made in those years is now worth cents[16]. Demand did not collapse. Supply overwhelmed it.
The modern version of this risk does not require anyone to print anything. Grading converts an ungraded card into a newly tradeable unit, which means certified supply can expand sharply without a single new card being manufactured, and it did, by 32%, last year. We treat this as the most underweighted risk in the category and examine it in a separate paper.
Conclusion
The collectible card market is large enough to matter, growing fast enough to be interesting, and opaque enough that reasonable people disagree about its size by a factor of two. Its defining feature is not scarcity, which every collectible has, but a cost of transacting two orders of magnitude above that of listed securities, a cost that valuation theory says is already deducted from what these assets are worth.
That is a specific and bounded opportunity: to remove a discount and widen access to an asset class institutions have held in every other form for decades. It is not a claim that collectibles beat equities, and the best evidence available suggests they should be expected to do slightly worse for the pleasure of owning them.
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